Deciding what a language is has never been easy,
although we go on talking about languages as if we knew what they
are. This is partly because we’ve become habituated to having
language names used all around us, but mostly because we’ve become
inured to the fact that names serve as convenient labels to help us
talk about imaginary and abstract concepts, among other things. We
can also talk about unicorns and hypotenuses, for example.
Labels like Arabic or Kimbundu
do not designate ‘objects’: they are a handy notation to refer to
ways of using language
which are each found to be intelligible to other language users. The
criterion of cross-(un)intelligibility is regularly invoked as an
equally handy way of attempting to define one particular language as
opposed to another – more on which in a coming post. Let me just add two things here: in some cases,
the name we use for a language in fact refers to its printed form,
for example when we talk about “the Chinese language”; and in
many other cases, language names have become indistinguishable from
nationality
names, which further complicates the matter of defining what “a
language” is.
If we can’t pinpoint language
boundaries in any precise way, it then makes little sense to say that
languages can suffer injury to their integrity. We nevertheless go on
talking about languages as if they owned territorial rights
to what can be done with them. Difficulties in delimiting languages
relate to both historical and geographical factors. Whether in
monolingual or multilingual communities, grandparents and
grandchildren, say, or African and Asian users of the “same”
language don’t use it in the same way. There are virtually as many
ways of using each of these abstract entities called “languages”
as there are individuals – sociolinguists even devised a label for
this observation, idiolect. This is one of the reasons why no
one has ever produced a “full” grammar of any language, and this
is the reason for the scare quotes in the title of this post.
Whatever we use, we necessarily change,
because using things means making them ours, so they can serve our
needs. “Things” like languages are no exception. For sequential
multilinguals, for example, those of us who learn our languages at
different times in life, one common observation in the literature is
that our earlier language(s) affect the way in which we use our later
one(s). This has been called “first language interference”, and
means that we use our younger languages in ways that remind of our
use of our older ones (for reasons why this may be so, regardless of
learning order, see a previous post).
But research shows that the converse is
also true. The Norwegian-American linguist Einar Haugen provided us with the
first comprehensive report of how a later language (English)
interfered with an earlier one (Norwegian), in his 1953 book The Norwegian Language in America. A Study in Bilingual Behavior.
More recently, and particularly concerning accent, two other studies
reported similar findings. In an article titled Gestural drift in a bilingual speaker of Brazilian Portuguese and English,
Michele L. Sancier and Carol A. Fowler observed interference from
English in the production of consonants of a native
Portuguese-speaking adult learner. My own report on my children’s
learning of English, a language which they acquired in school,
Prosodic mixes: strategies in multilingual language acquisition, showed use of
English prosody
in their home languages.
Given these observations, it may make
better sense to conclude that using our languages cannot
threaten their “integrity”. Speaking in metaphors about abstract
entities (like saying that “languages affect languages”) is just
that, speaking in metaphors about abstract entities. In an earlier
publication, The analysis of linguistic borrowing
(1950), Haugen also reacted to the unhelpful use of such imagery.
Discussing shortcomings in the metaphorical use of the word mixes
to describe what multilinguals do with their languages, he had this
to say:
“A further inaccuracy is introduced if the resulting language is called ‘mixed’ or ‘hybrid’. It implies that there are other languages which are ‘pure’, but these are scarcely any more observable than a ‘pure race’ in ethnology.”
Using our languages is what we
are supposed to do with them. We decide. In the introductory
chapter to my book Multilingual Norms, I argue that
multilingualism is not about what we do to the languages, it’s
about what we do with them. If you want to read more about
this, you can download the full chapter, titled Multilingualism, language norms and multilingual contexts.
But doing things with languages
is surely true of monolingualism too. Next time, I’ll have a look at why we associate threats to the “integrity” of particular
languages more with multilingual than with monolingual users of
them.
© MCF 2012
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