Take the
association of dominance with proficiency, for example. Defining
“linguistic proficiency” is not as straightforward as the
everyday use of the term might lead us to believe, and neither is,
accordingly, the setting up of fair criteria which may assess
proficiency in order to decide on language dominance. For each
language, do we count, say, richness (another nebulous concept) of
vocabulary, and/or of grammatical resources (shared ones, or specific
to each language?), in either active or passive use, or both? Or do
we focus on, say, fluency (if we can define this too), and/or
versatility, as in the number and type of situations, or people, in
which and with which each language is used? Do we count points for
all of these, and do we count them in the same way, or do we make
qualitative appreciations of our data here and there? Results are
likely to vary with each criterion that we choose to take into account,
thwarting any hope of finding a single language which ranks tops
on all of them, all the time.
To my mind, the
issue is whether we need to talk about dominance in order to talk
about multilinguals. The term may have gained popularity from
perceived analogies with our uses of handedness: although some of us
are ambidextrous, most of us have a dominant hand. But it is also
true that if my left hand, say, is dominant for holding the pen I’m
writing with, this is because my right hand is dominant at holding
the piece of paper I’m writing on. Try using your hands the other
way around, to see how awkward they both are at doing what
they haven’t been trained to do?
Another reason
for the endurance of the term “dominance” draws of course on the
archaic belief that the natural state of humankind is monolingual: given that the proficiency of monolinguals in their single language
is seldom questioned,
having a good language became synonymous with having a single good
language. Or it could just be that our fixation with dominance simply
reflects our enjoyment of war metaphors, inspired on environments
where differences get settled by means of territorial claims:
Photo: © lightmatter (Flickr) |
Whichever the
case may be, the trouble is that dominance comes complete with its
counterpart, subjugation:
Photo: © lightmatter (Flickr) |
If we take
language dominance to associate with language proficiency, it follows
that we must be non-proficient (or less so) in our non-dominant (or
less so) languages, whereby we come full-circle back to the paradox
that multilinguals have balanced languages, one of which is
nevertheless (more) dominant.
The only way I
can see the word “balanced” beginning to make sense in this
connection is to say that our languages are balanced because they all serve the needs that they are required to serve. (We do
this balancing act so well, in fact, that we resort to
so-called mixes in order to
say what we mean, as I’ve discussed before
and will come back to in a future post.) But this means that one language will be
dominant where, and when, and with whom another cannot be, as I reported in my book Three is a Crowd?.
Everyday alternation of “language dominance” defines
multilingualism itself, which amounts to saying that adding ill-defined words like dominance and balanced to discussions of
multilingualism adds nothing to our understanding of what
multilinguals do with their languages.
Analytical
dead-ends such as these stem, yet again, from the persuasion that the
languages, instead of their users, are what matters in multilingual
matters. I’ll expand on this in my next post.
© MCF 2012
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